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正文:

在20世纪中国左翼文艺发展历程中,瞿秋白对“革命文艺大众化运动”的探讨与构想具有重要地位。他不仅将文艺问题与革命领导权紧密关联,还从中国近代历史角度阐述了革命文艺大众化运动的“必要性”,并对其执行方案进行了分析和构思。

瞿秋白的文艺主张强调“党性原则”,取消了文学的“自主空间”,否定了文学固有的“普遍法则”。然而,这种批评往往忽略了瞿秋白提倡的“党性原则”并非仅止步于革命政权问题,而是通过凸显革命文艺的接受对象,设想另类的文艺发展路线。

瞿秋白在《文学导报》《文学月报》《北斗》等左联刊物上,对“大众化文艺运动”进行了深入讨论。他认为,要理解革命文化运动的“大众文化路线”的目标和诉求,首先要界定这场文化运动的“历史属性”。

瞿秋白对五四运动的定位似乎矛盾,一方面将其定为“中国的资产阶级的文化革命运动”,另一方面又认为“光荣的五四的革命精神,已经是中国资产阶级的仇敌”。然而,他并没有否定五四运动的意义与价值,反而给予了它极高的历史地位。

瞿秋白认为,五四运动在文化政治层面上反映了“资本主义历史阶段”的普遍民权诉求,即“反封建主义”和“反帝国主义”两个历史主题。他试图通过“民权文化革命”的历史阐释编码来重新激活其革命可能性,在中国应当重新开启“无产阶级的‘五四’”。

瞿秋白对“资产阶级式”的文化团体进行了批判,认为其是“反革命”的力量。他强调,进步的、革命的文化社会势力在五卅运动时期分裂成两个相互对立的阵营:一方面是在“无产阶级政党”的领导下,与平民大众融为一体的革命派;另一方面是对畸形现实的统治者表示支持、沉默,或者持有(“虚伪”的)自由主义立场的“绅商文化派”。

在当代,重新激活民权文化革命的历史使命,我们需要继承和发扬瞿秋白的文艺思想,关注革命文艺大众化运动,推动文艺与革命领导权的紧密联系,以实现文艺的繁荣发展。


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